Государства и культуры иранского государства - Гафуров Б.Г.
Скачать (прямая ссылка):
The proof of this is, that no traces of Achaemenian terminology, widely borrowed into all languages of the Eastern Mediterranean, the Near and the Middle East, can be traced in the Avesta. The home of the Avesta lies in the valleys of the Hilmend and the Tejen-Herirud.
The above conclusions, as well as Herodotus' data concerning the hegemony of the Chorasmians in the western part of Central Asia and Afghanistan, the data on the pre-Achaemenian Bactrian kingdom, and the later tradition about the rule of ViStaspa in Bactria may be hypothetically harmonised in the following way. The typical early polity of settled populations is not an empire but a «city-state», or a state comprising a comparatively small region. The first large political confederations in the above-mentioned regions must therefore have arisen as a result of a conquest of such polities by nomads. Such a conquest of Drangiana and the other agricultural areas by the nomad tribes centered around Chorasmia (which country did not rise to the level of «urban» civilisation earlier than in the 4th century B. C.) may have been reflected in the legend of the Tura (Saka) Frangrasyan. Later, the power in this confederation was re-assumed by representatives of the Kavians — the original rulers of agricultural Drangiana (Kavi Haosrava of the Avestan epic tradition). Kavi Vistaspa apparently no longer held all the lands of this confederation, and soon after 338
tiis time (and after Zarathustra) his kingdom was subjugated by the Bactrian confederation — which, too, was initially headed by nomads (the Hyaona and their leader Arjataspa in the Avestan tradition). The latter confederation which existed approximately from 650 to 540 В. С., was the more stable of the two; •and since it included also the region of the Avesta, in the later tradition Vi§-iaspa was regarded as a Bactrian king.
It must ue stressed that this is no more than a hypothesis suggesting a possible interpretation of traditional and of existing archaeological data.
B. Ya. Slavish у CENTRAL ASIA AND ACHAEMEN1D IRAN
The article deals with relations between Iran and Central Asia in the course of the existence of trie Achaemenid state and with the significance of the cultural and artistic traditions of the state in the history of culture and the arts of the Central Asian peoples. Those traditions can be traced not only in such regions of southern Turkmenistan as Parthia and Margiana (Marv) which later on merged with Western Iran, forming the Parthian Kingdom and the Sasanid Empire. Those traditions are also observed in the territory between the Syr-Darya and Amu-Darya rivers in Central Asia which formed part of •other states: the Greek-Bactrian Kingdom (mid-Ill—late II centuries В. С.), the State of Kushan (I—IV centuries A. D.), the Hephthalite Kingdom (mid-V—VII centuries), and the Turc Qaghanate (mid-VI—VII centuries). All those states were generally hostile to the Parthian and Sasanid Iran. However, both Iran and Central Asia of that period must be viewed as bearers of cultural and artistic heritage of the Achaemenid Power and the Hellenistic world.
O. Berdyev
SOUTHERN TURKMENIA AND IRAN IN THE STONE AND EARLY METAL AGE
Archaeological findings iestifying to contacts between Southern Turkmenistan and Iran date back to the Paleolithic period. An analysis of the development of flint proceeding at the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic periods makes il possible to regard Southern Turkmenistan and the neighboring territories of Iran as a single historical and cultural entity. During Ihe period in question hunting was the chief occupation of people in these parts; some data bear witness of rudiments of cattle-breeding at the end of that period.
During the Neolithic period the west of Turkmenistan continued to be po-22* 339
pulated by tribes of hunters, whereas the foothills of Southern Turkmenistan saw the transition to settled agriculture and cattle-breeding. The rise of the Neolithic agrarian Djeitun culture in this area is apparently connected to the development of Mesolithic economy of hunters and gatherers in the valleys and foothills of the Turkmenian-Khorasan Mountains. The early agrarian cultures in Southern Turkmenistan developed in continuous contacts between them which is testified by a number of common traits between monuments of the Djeitun type and early layers of Sialk 1 in Central Iran.
The similarity of the material culture of these regions is revealed still1 more strikingly during the early Neolithic period when the monuments of the-Anau 1-A type (Anau, Mondjukly-depe and others) were widespread in Southern Turkmenistan and the Sialk 1 complex was further developed in Iran. Certain peculiarities of the monuments of the Anau 1-A type and their marked similarity to the corresponding features of monuments in the north-east of Iran (such as Cheshme-Ali near Rey and Shir-Shahin near Damghan) allow us to think of the migration of certain groups of population from Iran to Turkmenistan and their merging with the indigenous population which had originated from the Djeitun people. During that period new settlements emerged whose construction site was planned more precisely and pottery become a common practice. The period also saw the beginning of metal processing and weaving and a marked development in agriculture and agricultural implements.
